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Artigo Accountability, corruption and local government : mapping the control steps(2017) Aranha, Ana Luiza Melo; Tribunal Superior EleitoralThe central purpose of this paper is to map out the Brazilian web of accountability institutions and observe how institutions establish links with each other in order to control corruption cases that reach them. Focus is on institutions that are part of the Brazilian anti-corruption agenda, which include the Federal Public Prosecutors Office, the Federal Police, the Office of the Comptroller General, the Federal Court of Accounts, the Federal Justice and the Ministries. In the literature, the most widespread argument is that, despite recent institutional improvements, the result produced by this web in terms of coordination is still weak. This article tests this claim by looking at the program called Inspections from Public Lotteries. Through a longitudinal approach, I observed the flux of control activities among the institutions, especially the establishment of investigative and judicial proceedings. Not only I explored the extent to which corruption impacts the establishment of interactions, but I also investigated how the interactions affect the speed of judicial proceedings - using logistic regressions and survival analysis. The conclusion is that the Brazilian web is able to articulate itself in order to hold public officials accountable (something new in this recent democracy), but not in a homogeneous way across all institutions (something the literature has missed). Furthermore, I demonstrate that the entire web of accountability institutions is unable to arrive at a decision in a timely manner.Artigo Agenda building and the internet : the case of intermediaries(2016) Aguerre, CarolinaThis paper addresses the increasing trend to regulate Internet intermediaries in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay. The cases are analyzed considering how the agenda-building process was developed, the extent to which scandals have played a role in determining policy changes about Internet intermediaries, and the depth of these changes. The research is part of a wider effort to conceptualize the process of Internet policy development, agenda-setting mechanisms, and the role and scope of national stakeholders, including policy makers, civil society, and the media.Artigo Anticorruption in Brazil : how brazilian companies should deal with requirements of the FCPA and of the brazilian anticorruption act(2015) Monteiro, AlbertoO enforcement anticorrupção vem crescendo de forma vigorosa em várias partes do mundo recentemente. Essa tendência envolve a investigação de casos não apenas dentro das fronteiras de certo país, mas também esquemas internacionais. Talvez o primeiro país a enfrentar a corrupção internacional, os Estados Unidos aprovaram o Foreign Corrupt Practices Act em 1977. No Brasil, o governo aprovou a Lei Anticorrupção em agosto de 2013 com o objetivo principal de responsabilizar pessoas jurídicas por atos de corrupção. O objetivo do presente artigo é analisar a interação de ambas as leis, avaliar onde elas convergem ou divergem, e tentar estabelecer o que empresas sujeitasàs duas leis precisam fazer para cumprir ambas.Artigo Are dissatisfied democrats critical? Reevaluating the concept of the critical citizen(2017) Fuks, Mario; Casalecchi, Gabriel Avila; Araújo, Mateus Morais; Tribunal Superior EleitoralSeveral studies have used the terms critical citizen and dissatisfied democrat interchangeably, assuming that both address the same citizen profile. However, recent studies conducted in new democracies have questioned this assumption, arguing that those who are dissatisfied are not always critical. This article investigates this question based on a comparison of the United States and Brazil. Beginning with the classification of two types of citizens, dissatisfied democrats and critical democrats, we appraise whether dissatisfied democrats are critical. Then, we test which of these two types of citizens is more engaged and has attitudes that are more democratic. The results show that dissatisfied democrats are not necessarily critical and that critical democrats are more engaged in politics and more committed to democracy than non-critical democrats.Artigo Are voters fiscal conservatives? Evidence from brazilian municipal elections(2010) Arvate, Paulo; Mendes, Marcos; Rocha, Alexandre; Tribunal Superior EleitoralOutro Avanzos y retos del sistema de representación política brasileña : agendas de investigación(2017) Braga, Maria do Socorro Sousa; Tribunal Superior EleitoralAvalia estudos sobre os partidos e sistemas partidários brasileiros, examinando tanto as abordagens teóricas privilegiadas como os aspectos mais analisados e identifica novas agendas de pesquisa, indicando aspectos pouco estudados e até mesmo outros que ainda não foram examinados visando aprofundar a compreensão dos fenômenos políticos no contexto brasileiro.Artigo Bolsonaro y la estrategia política de polarización : de la campaña a la presidencia(2021) Goldstein, Ariel; Tribunal Superior EleitoralDurante la campaña presidencial de 2018, el candidato Jair Bolsonaro incentivó y usufructuó de una "ola antipetista" existente en el electorado, basada en las acusaciones de corrupción contra los gobiernos de Lula y Dilma Rousseff (2003-2016). Esto le permitió obtener un apoyo fundamental en su carrera a la presidencia. El candidato fomentó la división entre los que apoyaban a los gobiernos del PT y sus detractores para alimentar su postulación, capitalizando el antipetismo. Su campaña fue construyendo representaciones dicotómicas para mantener su base conservadora unificada. Planteó temáticas divisorias en distintas esferas del debate público, como el lugar de la mujer en la sociedad, el temor sobre el traslado a Brasil de la crisis venezolana en el caso de un triunfo del PT y los problemas de la seguridad pública, que fueron centrales para el éxito de su estrategia de campaña. La utilización de una representación estereotipada sobre las movilizaciones del #Elenao sucedidas en septiembre de 2018, fue clave en su estrategia de polarización para postularse en defensa de un Brasil conservador, respetuoso de las tradiciones y las jerarquías. La originalidad del artículo radica en mostrar cómo la polarización, ya presente en los años de Lula y Rousseff, pasa de un clivaje basado en una nominación económica (ricos-pobres) a una división de naturaleza moral (conservadoraizquierdista).Artigo Brazilian Congress, 2014 elections and governability challenges(2015) Santos, Fabiano; Canello, Júlio; Tribunal Superior EleitoralThis research note examines the results of the 2014 elections focusing on the National Congress. Its main objective is to ponder over common claims and predictions regarding the future of Brazilian politics. Beyond agreements and alliances involved in the electoral dispute, President Dilma Rousseff once again shall face the political challenges and dilemmas of Brazilian presidentialism, namely, how to create and manage government coalitions capable of implementing a coherent political program with a fragmented and heterogeneous Congress. The critical examination of the current hypotheses on the latest elections, especially concerning parliamentary fragmentation and a shift towards the right-wing, will serve as a compass attempting to formulate possible answers to such a fundamental problem in Brazilian politics.Artigo Brazilian democracy and the power of old theories of party competition(2008) Santos, FabianoBrazilian politics has been usually analyzed as a case full of pathologies by scholars and political journalists alike. Fragmentation, volatility, clientelism and inefficiency have become bywords for describing the performance of Brazils political institutions. As a counter to this view, this work argues that the countrys democracy in the post-1988 period presents enough evidence in favor of classical hypotheses about electoral politics in the contemporary worlds, theories that invariably are based on premises of rationality in the behavior of voters and political parties. These theories include the median voter theorem, Duvergers law on the mechanical and psychological effects of electoral systems, and the model of retrospective voting. The article also contends that the passing of time has contributed to make Brazilian politics more rational and efficient in the mould of older democracies.Folheto Brazilian electronic voting machine : 20 years in favor of democracy(Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, 2016) Brasil. Tribunal Superior Eleitoral; Tribunal Superior EleitoralArtigo Brazilian parties according to their manifestos : political identity and programmatic emphases(2011) Tarouco, Gabriela da SilvaGenerally, party programmes are neglected in Brazil owing to their alleged (and assumed) irrelevance. It is argued that given that such documents are designed on order and with propaganda purposes, they could hardly be accepted as depictions of the parties true political positions. However, such an assessment lacks empirical verification. This article tests the hypothesis that Brazilian parties emphasise distinct questions in their manifestos. This hypothesis is based on saliency theory, according to which parties can be distinguished from one another depending on the themes they choose to prioritise. Content analysis technique was applied to the texts, using an adaptation of the categories of the Manifesto Research Group. The results indicate that the programmes do not have the same content, and neither are the differences in their emphases random. It is possible to distinguish between Brazilian parties not only by the kinds of questions they emphasise more, but also by those that they emphasise less.Artigo Brazilian political institutions : an inconclusive debate(2016) Palermo, Vicente; Tribunal Superior EleitoralThe debate about the operation of Brazilian political institutions is far from conclusive. It could hardly be different, since current Brazilian democratic regime is only 30 years-old. This article updates a previous one, published in 2000, in which I discuss different and rival interpretations on the functioning of the Brazilian democracy. Some new works argue that a 'dialectic synthesis' of those strands has been recently produced. This article demonstrates this argument is not accurate. Instead, my main argument is that, in spite of rich analyses, new evidences and some displacements, the interpretations and paradigms guiding that debate remain the same. On the other hand, in spite of the solid position of the interpretation sustaining how the Brazilian political system ensures governability, the current institutional debate goes far beyond this paradigm by setting new themes and approaches. To demonstrate this argument, the article presents the evolution of such debate.Outro Building local trenches : intra-party linkages and electoral performance in Brazil, 1996-2010(2014) Avelino Filho, George; Biderman, Ciro; Barone, Leonardo; Tribunal Superior EleitoralArtigo Calidad de la democracia : entre el debate teórico y el uso laxo. Los casos de la ciencia política brasileña y argentina(2014) Carné, Martín; Tribunal Superior EleitoralLa propuesta de trabajo que se eleva a consideración realiza una breve introducción al tema de la calidad de la democracia - cómo se la define conceptualmente, en qué contextos ha emergido como campo de estudio (tras las etapas de transición y consolidación de los regímenes democráticos) y cuáles son las principales fuentes de información utilizadas para operacionalizarla empíricamente - para luego explorar cómo la categoría ha sido efectivamente utilizada desde la politología argentina y brasileña, siguiendo la hipótesis de que en gran parte, tal uso suele alejarse de las definiciones teóricas más elaboradas haciendo así de la calidad de la democracia una suerte de concepto catch all que, al abarcar numerosos objetos (partidos políticos, capacidades estatales, reformas constitucionales, rule of law, accountability, ejercicio de derechos, por ejemplo) se vuelve vago e impreciso, perdiendo potencial analítico.Outro Campaign finance in comparative perspective : a nested analysis approach(2012) Figueiredo Filho, Dalson Britto; Melo, Natália Maria Leitão de; Rocha, Enivaldo Carvalho da; Silva Junior, José Alexandre da; Tribunal Superior EleitoralIt analyzes campaign finance in a comparative perspective, giving special attention to Brazil and the Unites States. The focus regards the level of regulation on the sources of campaign contributions. Methodologically, the research design adopts a nested approach, combining descriptive and multivariate statistics with deep case studies and documental analysis. Additionally, we replicate data from the Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) to estimate a standardized measure of regulation. The results suggest that most countries show low levels of control over the sources of campaign contributions. However, both Brazil and the United States display high levels of regulation on campaign finance, despite their widely different institutional designs.Outro Campaign spending and poverty levels in Brazil : an exploratory approach(2011) Figueiredo Filho, Dalson Britto; Santos, Manoel; Silva Júnior, José Alexandre; Rocha, Enivaldo; Tribunal Superior EleitoralIs there campaign spending efficiency higher in poorer states? This paper estimates the effects of campaign spending on Brazilian electoral outcomes by testing the hypothesis that candidate spending efficiency is positive correlated with poverty levels. The model uses individual level data of the 2006 House of Representatives national elections. The preliminary results suggest that: (1) campaign spending exerts a positive effect on votes; (2) Not elected candidates show a pattern of higher marginal returns of each extra dollar spent in their political campaigns compared to elected ones; (3) this pattern is consistent across states and poverty levels; (4) there is no evidence that poverty levels are positive correlated with candidate spending efficiency.Artigo Career choice and legislative reelection : evidence from Brazil and Colombia(2007) Botero, Felipe; Rennó, Lucio R. (Lucio Remuzat); Tribunal Superior EleitoralThis paper explores the differences and similarities between the electoral systems in Brazil and Colombia and how it affects Brazilian incumbent Federal Deputies and Colombian Diputados political career choices and electoral success. The main argument is that even though both electoral systems are, in general terms, quite distinct, they appear to produce very similar effects in career choices and reelection. The main cause of the effects found is that the institutional minutiae of the two electoral systems increase their similarities. Key words: Legislative Careers; reelection; electoral systems.Artigo Cash transfers and mayoral elections : the case of Sao Paulos Renda Mínima(2015) Corrêa, Diego Sanches; Tribunal Superior EleitoralSeveral recently published studies analyze the effects of national conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs, such as the Brazilian Bolsa Família and the Mexican Oportunidades, on presidential elections. Most of them show that these programs boost incumbents electoral support among the poor. This research note is the first scholarly attempt to investigate this phenomenon at a lower-level unit of a federal state, by assessing the impact of a municipal cash transfer program on a mayoral election. Specifically, it investigates whether Renda Mínima, the cash transfer program of the city of Sao Paulo, affected beneficiaries' electoral behavior in favor of the incumbent candidate in the 2004 mayoral election. This note analyzes survey data from CEBRAP/IBOPE and shows that cash transfers did, indeed, affect beneficiaries behavior in the predicted direction, but only in cases where they did not benefit from any other CCT program, such as the federal Bolsa Família or the São Paulo state Renda Cidadã. These results suggest that the pro-incumbent effect of CCT programs may be diluted by similar programs launched by governments at other tiers of a federation, even if they are led by the same party.Artigo Clientelism and local politics : interactions between municipal councilors and voters in the state of Minas Gerais(2019) Rocha, Marta Mendes da; Souza, Augusto Carvalho de; Araújo, Paulo Magalhães; Tribunal Superior EleitoralIt addresses the subject of clientelism with reference to an unprecedented set of data resulting from a survey of 422 municipal councilors in 44 brazilian municipalities. The aim was to verify whether a propensity for clientelist behavior was uniformly distributed among the councilors surveyed and, in the event that it was not, to identify factors that could explain any variations. The analysis revealed that clientelism - understood as the degree of exposure on the part of councilors to voter demands for individual benefits, and the councilors' willingness to attend to such demands by means of informal strategies - varies among councilors. Through a multivariate analysis of data, it concluded that these variations are related, as it expected, to such characteristics of the municipalities as population, poverty levels and political competition, and to such individual attributes of councilors as ideology and position in relation to the executive branch. It also concludes that there is an interaction between poverty and competition: competition seems to be more relevant than poverty to explain the observed variations, and its effect is intensified; the explanatory power of poverty is higher in the context of low political competition.Outro Coaliciones : un veto para la paridad de género en los gabinetes de América Latina(2017) Molina, Anabella; Tribunal Superior EleitoralEstudia la composición de los gabinetes presidenciales desde un perspectiva de género de los gobiernos electos en los últimos quince años en seis países de América Latina: Argentina, Brasil, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia y Perú. Se parte de la concepción de gabinetes como instituciones generizadas, las cuales niegan una participación efectiva de las mujeres. Luego se utiliza un índice de Poder de Género como indicador de dicha participación, el cual pondera la presencia femenina en los gabinetes por género y prestigio. Finalmente utilizando el método comparado de la diferencia (Pérez Liñan, 2007) y la conceptualización sobre actores de veto (Tsebelis, 1995), se muestra que en los gobiernos de coalición la participación efectiva de las mujeres es menor que en los gobiernos de un solo partido. Esto ocurre debido a que la presencia de un gobierno de coalición incluye un nuevo actor de veto partidario a la decisión presidencial.
