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Outro Campaign spending and poverty levels in Brazil : an exploratory approach(2011) Figueiredo Filho, Dalson Britto; Santos, Manoel; Silva Júnior, José Alexandre; Rocha, Enivaldo; Tribunal Superior EleitoralIs there campaign spending efficiency higher in poorer states? This paper estimates the effects of campaign spending on Brazilian electoral outcomes by testing the hypothesis that candidate spending efficiency is positive correlated with poverty levels. The model uses individual level data of the 2006 House of Representatives national elections. The preliminary results suggest that: (1) campaign spending exerts a positive effect on votes; (2) Not elected candidates show a pattern of higher marginal returns of each extra dollar spent in their political campaigns compared to elected ones; (3) this pattern is consistent across states and poverty levels; (4) there is no evidence that poverty levels are positive correlated with candidate spending efficiency.Outro Campaign finance in comparative perspective : a nested analysis approach(2012) Figueiredo Filho, Dalson Britto; Melo, Natália Maria Leitão de; Rocha, Enivaldo Carvalho da; Silva Junior, José Alexandre da; Tribunal Superior EleitoralIt analyzes campaign finance in a comparative perspective, giving special attention to Brazil and the Unites States. The focus regards the level of regulation on the sources of campaign contributions. Methodologically, the research design adopts a nested approach, combining descriptive and multivariate statistics with deep case studies and documental analysis. Additionally, we replicate data from the Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) to estimate a standardized measure of regulation. The results suggest that most countries show low levels of control over the sources of campaign contributions. However, both Brazil and the United States display high levels of regulation on campaign finance, despite their widely different institutional designs.Outro Vínculos entre electores y partidos brasileños : una propuesta de medición del vínculo programático(2016) Ramírez García, Nerea; Tribunal Superior EleitoralEl presente trabajo consiste en una propuesta metodológica para medir si existen vínculos programáticos entre los electores y los partidos brasileños a partir de una serie de indicadores desagregados. La operacionalización del vínculo programático se realiza a partir de los siguientes indicadores: coherencia partidaria, cristalización ideológica, congruencia entre elector y partido e issue ownership. Se opta por este tipo de indicadores al tener como base dos conceptos clave. Primero, el concepto de vínculo programático defendido por Kitschelt (en Boix y Stokes, 2009). Segundo, la importancia de elementos relativos al partido como la coherencia y la cristalización (Marenghi, 2013) para la presencia de este tipo de linkage.Outro Pentecostals, churches and campaign finance in 2014 Brazilian elections(2017) Silva, Fabio Lacerda Martins da; Tribunal Superior EleitoralSince the 1980s, the number of Pentecostal candidates elected for Brazilian legislatures has remarkably grown. Literature has argued that the phenomenon would be related to Pentecostal churches' support. To date, however, this claim was based only in ethnographies or studies relying in a few cases of elected candidates. Drawing from a new data set of Evangelical candidates for the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies and state Assemblies, it tries to answer the following questions: do Pentecostal candidates raise less campaign resources than other candidates? What is the effect of being a Pentecostal candidate on vote in Brazilian legislative elections? Is the structure of the church relevant to this effect? Using OLS regression models, I show that there is a positive statistical relationship between being a Pentecostal candidate and campaign spending, between being a Pentecostal and votes, and between the support of more centralized churches and votes.Outro "Seu petralha! Seu coxinha!" - measuring affective polarization in Brazil(2017) Freire, Alessandro; Lloyd, Ryan; Turgeon, Mathieu; Tribunal Superior EleitoralArtigo Una nueva forma de medir la calidad de la democracia : la democracia legal o constitucional(2018) Rodríguez Edeza, Manuel Ángel; Giménez, Jorge; Rocha, Patricia; Engelman, Thiago; Alancaster, Leonardo de; Tribunal Superior EleitoralEl proyecto plantea una nueva forma para medir la calidad de la democracia: desde los textos constitucionales. Se considera que si se habrá de medir la posibilidad de la democracia, sobre todo en regímenes en desarrollo, se tendrá que empezar por analizar sus textos constitucionales sea por una cuestión legal, como por una cuestión ideal de democracia, en tanto naciones distintas, multiétnicas y multiculturales. En ese sentido, se abre otra discusión, si debemos referirnos a la democracia en singular (como un ideal) o las democracias (en plural) particulares. Toma como soporte teórico los elementos o dimensiones que Morlino (2008) y Alcántara (2008) consideran primordiales para la democracia y los busca y compara con los textos constitucionales de Brasil, Argentina, México, Paraguay y Uruguay. Al final se advierte que, sea para mejorar la democracia de los países en cuestión, como para buscar un ideal democrático, se deberán adecuar los textos constitucionales.Outro People against the elite? Jair Bolsonaro's presidential campaign(2018) Chueri, Juliana; Tribunal Superior EleitoralIt aims to identify and characterize the populist rhetoric of Jair Bolsonaro, candidate for the Brazilian presidency in the October 2018 election. Applying the methodology proposed by Rooduijn and Pauwels (2011), I analyze the candidate's personal tweets from 5 May 2018 to 5 September 2018. The conclusion is that populism is an important element of Bolsonaro's rhetoric. First, he attacks political elites, accuses them of corruption, and blames them for the economic and political crises. Second, he appeals to the Brazilian people and claims to be the only candidate who will govern in their interest. Nevertheless, the construction of 'us', 'the people' is drawn in an exclusionary manner: he denies the existence of class, race, and gender conflicts; opposes minority rights; and does not present initiatives for social inclusion. Therefore, Bolsonaro detaches from Latin American inclusionary populism and shows similarities to Western European exclusionary populism. This fact is also illustrated by the radical aspect of his rhetoric: law and order are highly salient in his discourse, the second most frequent topic of his tweets. Finally, Bolsonaro embraces the free market economy, but as with other populist politicians, distributive issues have very limited space in his discourse.Artigo Programs and parties : rethinking electoral competition through analysis of brazilian 'grotões'(2019) Salles, Nara Oliveira; Tribunal Superior EleitoralThe 'salience theory of party competition' moves on from the 'programmatic paradox' imposed by the classic Downsian proximity model and demonstrates that parties compete with each other by means of the emphases they give to certain issues. They do this by leveraging their government programs to shape voter preferences that form an innate component of the electoral process. This phenomenon has been neglected in a Brazil supposedly dominated by weak parties, personality politics and clientelism. This scenario is most pronounced at a local level, particularly in the country's so-called 'grotões' where the electorate is motivated by a desire to meet its basic needs, which has the effect of strengthening client relationships with political candidates. In these areas, the relevance of government programs reaches its nadir. The aim of this article is to investigate this phenomenon in Brazilian municipalities with the lowest Municipal Human Development Index (MHDI) scores. The study is underpinned by two hypotheses: 01. that government programs form an integral component of electoral competition in Brazil and 02. that they are formulated along partisan lines. In order to test these hypotheses, It has performed an analysis of the government programs registered by mayoral candidates running in 2012 and 2016, using the text analysis method that estimates political positions through word frequency (Wordfish). The results fully confirm the first hypothesis but only partly confirm the second.Artigo Clientelism and local politics : interactions between municipal councilors and voters in the state of Minas Gerais(2019) Rocha, Marta Mendes da; Souza, Augusto Carvalho de; Araújo, Paulo Magalhães; Tribunal Superior EleitoralIt addresses the subject of clientelism with reference to an unprecedented set of data resulting from a survey of 422 municipal councilors in 44 brazilian municipalities. The aim was to verify whether a propensity for clientelist behavior was uniformly distributed among the councilors surveyed and, in the event that it was not, to identify factors that could explain any variations. The analysis revealed that clientelism - understood as the degree of exposure on the part of councilors to voter demands for individual benefits, and the councilors' willingness to attend to such demands by means of informal strategies - varies among councilors. Through a multivariate analysis of data, it concluded that these variations are related, as it expected, to such characteristics of the municipalities as population, poverty levels and political competition, and to such individual attributes of councilors as ideology and position in relation to the executive branch. It also concludes that there is an interaction between poverty and competition: competition seems to be more relevant than poverty to explain the observed variations, and its effect is intensified; the explanatory power of poverty is higher in the context of low political competition.Artigo The world cup and presidential popularity in Brazil(2019) Mundim, Pedro Santos; Silva, Gleice Meire Almeida da; Tribunal Superior EleitoralIt analyzes the relationship between public opinion and the World Cup in Brazil with reference to data from quantitative and qualitative opinion polls conducted by the Office of the Secretary of Communication of the Presidency of the Republic. These analyses suggest that an increasingly critical view on the part of citizens as well as frustration with expectations vis-à-vis essential public services such as health and education had a direct impact on Brazilians' views of the event and their (dis)approval of the Federal Government. Amid a series of demonstrations in 2013 and 2014, the World Cup was transformed from a classic case of bread and circuses into a catalyst for popular dissatisfaction. Instead of a popularity boost and a smooth path to re-election in 2014, Brazilian political leaders found themselves scrambling to deal with the legacy of a World Cup own goal.