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URI permanente para esta coleçãohttps://bibliotecadigital.tse.jus.br/handle/bdtse/10292
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Artigo Los efectos del fin de las coaliciones electorales de Brasil en 2020(2021) Santana, Luciana; Vasquez, Vitor; Sandes-Freitas, Vítor Eduardo Veras de; Tribunal Superior EleitoralLas elecciones municipales de 2020 en Brasil fueron las primeras bajo el efecto de la Enmienda a la Constitución 97/2017, que estableció el fin de las coaliciones para las elecciones proporcionales. Uno de los posibles resultados de la nueva norma sería la reducción del número de partidos en la legislatura. Al fin y al cabo, antes las coaliciones se trataban como un solo partido a efectos del reparto de escaños, lo que producía que los partidos por sí solos no alcanzaran el cociente electoral para ganar escaños. La hipótesis de esta investigación es que este efecto sí ocurrió, y de forma más aguda en los municipios más pequeños, debido a sus menores magnitudes electorales. Basándose en la estadística descriptiva e inferencial, los resultados confirman la hipótesis luego de comparar los datos electorales de 2020 en relación con las elecciones anteriores (2016 y 2012). El número de partidos con concejalas y concejales electos, y el número efectivo de partidos legislativos (NEPL) han disminuido. Además, el efecto es más pronunciado en los municipios más pequeños. Esto confirma el impacto de la nueva norma en el sistema de partidos, lo cual indica que esta tendencia también se produce a nivel nacional y estatal.Artigo Judicialization and municipal electoral competition in Brazil(2019) Nogueira, Ary Jorge Aguiar; Tribunal Superior EleitoralIt verifies whether Marchetti's (2013) assumption that recent electoral competition is marked by judicialization also applies to the scope of supplementary elections. The hypothesis is that the judicialization of municipal electoral competition has become an additional strategy used by political actors because of its effectiveness. The results indicate that approximately 58% of the Supplementary Elections that occurred in the period were motivated solely by lawsuits filed by opposition political groups. In these cases, the opposition can elect the new mayors in 62% of situations.Periódico Justiça Eleitoral em Debate : vol. 9, n. 1 (1. sem. 2019)(Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Rio de Janeiro, 2019) Tribunal Superior EleitoralArtigo Are voters fiscal conservatives? Evidence from brazilian municipal elections(2010) Arvate, Paulo; Mendes, Marcos; Rocha, Alexandre; Tribunal Superior EleitoralOutro Public costs vs private gain : assessing the effect of alternative information treatments on electoral accountability(2017) Avenburg, Alejandro; Tribunal Superior EleitoralDo voters punish candidates with records of misuse of public funds? I address this question in the context of the 2008 and 2012 municipal elections for mayor and City Council legislator in Brazil. I use a unique dataset listing all candidates with accounts rejection records by any of the 34 Brazilian Audit Courts between 2004 and 2012 and electoral data. I test the effect of having accounts rejected on subsequent electoral returns. To test this effect I use matching and difference-in-difference. Results show evidence that voters punish both candidates for mayor and City Council legislator in most elections.Artigo Future electoral impacts of having a female mayor(2017) Arvate, Paulo; Firpo, Sergio; Pieri, Renan; Tribunal Superior EleitoralWe explore an electoral quasi-experiment where a woman nearly won or lost to a man in a mayoral election. Our data combines municipal Brazilian election results, which occur every four years, with municipal level votes for female and male candidates in state and federal deputy elections, whose districts are larger than the municipalities. Our results show that when voters are exposed to a female leader, the relative number of votes given to female candidates increases. This result depends on the political environment in which the exposure occurs. These effects on the electorate's response tend to be stronger: 01. in municipalities where there is a previous higher proportion of female councilors, and 02. when the mayors have higher education levels. Our results provide evidence that the observed electorate's gender preferences in politics are alterable, but that policy interventions aimed to equalize access will be more effective if they are targeted at underrepresented populations that have the correct skill requirements to perform in leadership positions.Artigo Investigating elite behavior through field experiment in Brazil : do candidates answer more to core or swing voters?(2013) Spada, Paolo; Guimarães, Feliciano de Sá; Tribunal Superior EleitoralThis paper explores recent advances in experimental methodology to analyze elite behavior. Using an email experiment conducted in the context of the Brazilian 2008 municipal elections, we studied whether candidates target swing or core voters during campaigns. Candidates from all parties - 1,000 candidates in all - were contacted by randomly generated citizens who identified themselves as either core or swing voters. Additionally, we randomized senders past voting behavior and their gender. To identify the baseline answer rate, we employed a placebo treatment with no reference to the elections. Our results show that Brazilian candidates target any sender as long as she identifies herself as a potential voter. Within this general finding, models with city-specific fixed effects indicate that Brazilian politicians tend to target core voters. The paper contributes to the general experimental literature by providing an easily replicable design that can test the behavior of elite interaction with the public. At the same time, the paper extends the literature on core versus swing voters by providing an empirical test that can shed light on the effects of a specific political environment (type of election, voting rule, and party structure), and how it affects the relationship between candidates and voters during elections.